陜西北路被稱之為“中國歷史文化名街”，近年來一直是上海人喜歡徒步的一條重要小馬路，所以我也將該路段的內容收錄在我的《老壽帶儂兜馬路》一書中，這段路也是我隔三岔五會去走走的一條馬路，這段時間走過，發(fā)現(xiàn)這段路上部分的街景正在悄悄地發(fā)生變化，也恰逢沿街的太平公館（又因地處原西摩路被稱之為西摩公館，實際上它歸屬于太平花園區(qū)域內，稱之為太平花園更加合理）部分業(yè)態(tài)在開放，在此將我走過路過所觀察到的信息與大家分享。

 關于沿街的太平公館，其實原來“昔舍”在口罩期前就收了一套，正準備裝修，上海人就被“連花青瘟”狠狠地折騰了一番，所以這次看到有太平公館相關房子開放參觀，我還以為是他們的房子裝修完畢，到了現(xiàn)場才知道，其實是上海絲毯廠的活動，離我知道的那個房子還隔開了幾個門面，其實這幾年大家盡管在夜新聞上看到歡天喜地，形勢一派大好，而真正在做企業(yè)的心里都有一本賬，說了都是傷心事。

 關于太平花園的來歷很多文章都寫到過了，初步歸納為該小區(qū)為伍廷芳、伍朝樞父子所投資建造（伍廷芳自己的舊居在相鄰的北京西路江寧路一側，這個話題放到下一段內容中）。1928年時候建造了西式四層樓房（有些文章說建造于1910年至1912年期間），共有6幢，還開設了專供外僑食宿的飯店數(shù)家。到他兒子伍朝樞接班時，又在弄內，繼續(xù)建造了同式樣的房屋9幢，在沿馬路的地方建造了3幢，早年住戶以僑民居多。抗戰(zhàn)爆發(fā)后，外僑減少，中國住戶開始增多。

  太平花園區(qū)域圖

 而到了1941年太平洋戰(zhàn)爭爆發(fā)，日軍侵入租界，那些已經(jīng)去香港的房主住宅，被日軍占領作妓院。1948年房主回上海，將弄堂內草地出售，買主即在草地上建起三層房屋25幢，并逐一出售，于是形成了目前的格局。

 那么很多文章也提到了太平花園也曾經(jīng)是猶太人聚集的住宅區(qū)，同樣在它的南側就有一棟建筑不明就里的直接被稱之為猶太人住宅。

 有些文章還說，太平花園初期的住客，清一色是猶太人。這些住戶多為猶太人中的“中產(chǎn)階級”，職業(yè)多為醫(yī)生、工程師、洋行管理層人士等。因此，至今這一帶老上海街坊仍慣稱太平花園為猶太弄堂。太平花園的市場定位，原就是這批富裕的猶太人。

 那么我們就有必要來分析一下來上海的猶太人構成，這是我在虹口區(qū)猶太人聚集區(qū)走讀時強調的，猶太人來上海應該分為三段式，也就是第一批是翹腳沙遜、哈同、嘉道理這樣的隨東印度公司做鴉片生意來上海淘金的那一批，這批人基本上活躍在原公共租界范圍內，第二批是蘇維埃奪取政權后驅趕出來的俄籍猶太人，上海人一般稱之為白俄，這批人基本上在原法租界范圍內，而等到二戰(zhàn)爆發(fā)逃離納粹迫害的是第三批猶太人，由于他們原有的國家被德國占領，被迫失去國籍，成為無國籍猶太人，于是被日本人圈在虹口兩平方公里的范圍里。

 由于第一批猶太人已經(jīng)在上海過得風生水起，于是二戰(zhàn)期間有能力接納逃難來的同胞，比如說河濱大樓和嘉道理的大理石大廈，顯然原來居住在太平花園內稍微富裕一點的猶太人也接納了落難的同胞。

 那么太平花園原來真實的居住狀態(tài)是怎樣呢？我們可以從上海著名的海派文化女作家程乃珊曾經(jīng)寫過的《太平花園的猶太人》中來了解。

 程乃珊筆下的《太平花園的猶太人》其中一段寫道：

 ……

 上海人與猶太人淵源深遠，大到上海的建筑文化教育,小到老百姓的民生,可謂都息息相關。

 說來有趣,筆者當年,就誕生在一家上海德籍猶太醫(yī)生開的醫(yī)院。那種典型的上海兩開間三層樓前面帶只小花園的獨幢中西結合的、比膠州路瑞芝村面積要大的新式花園里弄房子。據(jù)說這家醫(yī)院,是當年上海首創(chuàng)無痛分娩法的外國醫(yī)院。主持就是一對猶太夫婦再請幾個上海護士小姐，酷似上海人的夫妻老婆店。然據(jù)母親回憶,內里一應設施都是一流足以與美國醫(yī)院(今華東醫(yī)院)美,只是規(guī)模是袖珍的。

 產(chǎn)婦分娩后,小到從花店即時送花,大到新生兒的各種護理,都環(huán)環(huán)相扣、周到又熱情,從中足見德國人的效率和嚴密。猶太人四海為家,海綿樣吸收了各國各氏族文化的精華充實自己，這點又很似上海人的廣納天下之粹的海派作風。

 上海猶太人分兩類，二戰(zhàn)前來上海的都是有錢有專業(yè)的:如哈同、嘉道理家族,還有著名設計師烏達克及圣約翰大學創(chuàng)辦人……一如一九四九年時上海南下香港的大批移民。二戰(zhàn)期間特別納粹開始迫害猶太人之時來上海的猶太人，當然就時過境遷,即使有才有技,也完全可能空懷天才無人識。

 上世紀三十年代中期的太平花園內，頗多這樣的落難猶太人，租著一小間類似亭子間汽車間這樣的斗室,那唯一的一套原先光生可體的西裝、領口和袖口都已磨損得油亮起毛，上海人所謂的“外國癟三”是也。

 當時鄰近西摩路(陜西北路)的武定路,從石門路到泰興路之間,兩路邊布滿形形式式的舊貨攤。大至自行車小到舊衣舊鍋,就地收購,就地出售,上海人俗稱經(jīng)營此生的為“舊貨鬼”,言語中充滿鄙夷,這就是上海人的缺點了--勢利眼。

 太平花園里不少潦倒猶太人，也與這些低下層次的上海人為伍。

 一位老住戶猶記得，當年有個意大利籍猶太青年,才十八九歲,日日拖著只有輪子的木箱去武定路舊貨攤賣自己配置的“褪色靈”,想來他或者曾還是個在學大學生,真叫凄涼!

 一九四一年日本人進租界后，英美籍人士全部關進集中營,當時上海市面上還看到的猶太人,就是德籍猶太人和沙俄猶太人。他們之所以未被送進集中營,前者是因為德國與日本不屬交戰(zhàn)國,德籍猶太人還屬德國僑民?而白俄猶太人屬無國籍,日本人也由他們不得。雖然他們逃過被日本人送人集中營的厄運,但畢竟一方是被本國納粹迫害逃出的,一方是政權已被推翻的革命對象前朝遺少，都是被自己國家拋棄的、剝奪了財產(chǎn)的,故而當時這批猶太人為名符其實的外國癟三,都是潦倒貧困之極。想不通的是，這兩方都不被自己國家認可的猶太人相逢,卻是水火不相容,一點沒有“同是天下淪落人,相逢何必曾相識”的胸懷。

 據(jù)聞一九四五年希特勒自殺消息傳來后，一批白俄猶太人興高采烈，沖到今上海大廈附近一家德籍猶太人開的照相館，將其陳列希特勒相片的櫥窗打碎,放上斯大林的照片;另一批德籍猶太人聞風而至，將斯大林相片扔在馬路上……反正鬧得不可開交?；蛟S,人對故土家園之愛,是無悔和執(zhí)著的,即使歷盡家仇國難,備受侮辱傷害,仍難抹那對祖國的深情，國家的概念,只是暫時的,祖國,卻是永恒的,與日月共存,與世代血脈相承!

 難怪電影《苦海余生》中那一船被自己國家驅趕的猶太人,在船只徐徐離開故國口岸時,個個都立在甲板上黯然淚下……

 回過來再看這班流落他鄉(xiāng)的猶太人，是如何在東方巴黎討生活的。

 “上海灘”的“老上海雜憶"欄目,有位署名張鴻馨的作者，很惟妙惟肖地講了一段猶太人賣肥皂的軼事:

 那應是在一九四四年法西斯投降的前一年，上海主婦中有一種傳說:猶太肥皂洗衣洗得白，想來就是今日的增白肥皂吧?一時,石庫門幾乎家家都想買幾塊來試試。時值上海正是惡性通貨膨脹時期,家家戶戶如月底略有小錢余剩,總要取點油、鹽,再屯兩條肥皂,免得下月再漲價。就是屋里積下的幾條固本肥皂,也因擱得太長而風干了,干癟陳舊,不似猶太肥皂,因生產(chǎn)不久,色澤豐潤、腰板挺立。

 猶太肥皂，就在上述提到的武定路舊貨市場上有拐進武定路，遠遠就看見一個外國人的腦袋高出眾人一個頭,原來他站在一只木箱上,雙手各拿一條肥皂對碰得“啪啪”作響,口中用上海話高聲叫“強(便宜)來,強來!白來白來!”

 據(jù)說他原來是個化學工程師,肥皂是自制的這個猶太人的英文也是馬馬虎虎，估計是德籍或意大利籍的猶太人。

 他告訴那位還只是個少年學生的作者，他講上海人很好、有義氣。這里攤位本來很緊,是近鄰幾個攤主硬擠出來,才讓他可以放上一只木箱做生意。這小小一只木箱,在猶太人手下物盡其用。做買賣時站在箱子上吆喝,累了一屁股坐在上面小憩,箱內為藏貨柜,四角有四只輪子可拉著走!十分科學十分簡便。

 他會不會也住在太平花園?

 九十二歲的黃伯講，那時太平花園做這種營生的猶太人多的是。有兩三人合租一間小房間,有賣染皮鞋水，褪色靈也有猶太肥皂,還有紅墨水藍墨水、都是自己關在衛(wèi)生間配制出來，想來他們都是知識分子!“那時猶太人過得苦來西,買只羅宋面包啃啃燒點大麥茶當咖啡:白脫油買不起,買點白乳腐當白脫油涂面包!"黃伯說。難得猶太人過節(jié),打幾個雞蛋和面粉拌點白糖在油里攤點面餅,已是過節(jié)的佳肴!

 二、五更煨飯

 太平花園x號的玫瑰公寓是開業(yè)于一九三零年的前文提到過的那種包伙食的公寓，與其他太平花園內的公寓一樣,獨幢共四層樓，收拾得干干凈凈底層是廚房和老板的辦公室,樓上全部做客房:與其他公寓不同的是,玫瑰公寓沒有間隔成白鴿籠,而是很正氣地保持原先的花園洋房布局:因而其客人也層次高點，幾乎清一色為歐美人士,租住時間也長點，流動性較少、不少是兩夫婦，白天雙雙上班去，男的多為公司洋行小職員，太太多為文書、店員。當時開在靜安寺路(今南京西路)上一家叫"錦發(fā)"的專銷女士內衣絲襪的鋪店,就是一對意大利籍的猶太夫婦經(jīng)營的，他們就曾住在太平花園內這類層次較高的公寓旅舍內。

 這樣的公寓內，也寄居不少中西異國鴛鴦先生為洋人，太太為上海人--大部分是廣東籍的上海人。但凡嫁給洋人的上海太太,與洋太太不同這些上海太太大多腳蹺起在屋里叉叉麻將,小菜燒燒做起名符其實的太太,其實十有八九不是正牌太太。

 舊上海洋風再開,上海小姐嫁外國人,特別是太平花園里的蹩腳外國人,始終是不為世俗所容,連帶生出來的混血兒,都會被背地嘲一聲“雜交種”,在這方面,上海人遠沒華南人走得快，反過來，舊上海先生外出留學時帶回一位洋太太，或也會有點阻力，卻全然不同上海小姐嫁外國人、如海上名醫(yī)高鏡娘與他的德國太太,海上豪門，龍?zhí)端鄰S姚家公子與他的德國太太，海上內分泌專家鄺安堃與他的法國太太……哪怕平頭老百姓討個白俄太太，也不如上海女人嫁外國人那般會招人在背后議論紛紛。西化如陳香梅這樣一位作風大膽的女記者嫁陳納德，在當時上海主流社會對她此舉也是有點說法的,再者說到底,陳香梅還不是土生土長的上海人,她似是廣東人。

 當時上海大家閨秀不肯嫁外國人，皆因來上海謀生的洋人大多數(shù)彼時都不屬其所在國的優(yōu)秀人才,或在本國主流社會中屬不大吃得開的,他們來到半殖民地上海,仗著西方文明的現(xiàn)代化自恃高人一等,以白馬王子自居,一心想玩轉上海的東方娃娃。

 上海主流社會的女白領和女大學生,早就看穿這批無根底，居無所來去如天馬行空的洋人西裝革履下的實質;而真正洋大班的公子,一般是不大會娶異國女子,因為當時的英國是等級層次十分分明的,英國上流社會中去遠東娶亞裔的男士歸來后每每會被視為邊緣人。

 當然還有朋友@高參88考據(jù)出：自從上世紀30年代起，美軍第四艦隊陸戰(zhàn)部隊在現(xiàn)西康路新閘路駐軍后，這里又多了一批特殊的廣東人——專做外國水手生意的娼妓，俗稱咸水妹。

　咸水妹來自英語Handsome Mad，原意慷慨豪放的女孩子。不知起于何時，咸水妹成為廣東歡場女子的專利。

 這批咸水妹蜂擁至今陜西北路新閘路、常德路新閘路一帶，租住一些新式里弄花園房子做起生意，確實令這一帶房產(chǎn)下落，特別一些弄堂如西新別墅、太平花園等名聲也變得不好了，身價大跌，不少住戶搬出去，搬進來的不少就是時鐘酒店經(jīng)營者。他們將原來住宅房改建成旅館式樣因近就利租出去牟利，在這一帶形成一個著名的紅燈區(qū)。

 時間翻到我這一代人的記憶，那就是八十年代改革開放，這條弄堂里有不少小型的旅館開始住進了不少上海郊縣的鄉(xiāng)辦工廠辦事人員，他們在上海的工廠里挖掘技術人員到廠里指導生產(chǎn)（我們稱之為星期日工程師，曾經(jīng)在改革開放初期引起過大范圍的討論），而到了年終，鄉(xiāng)辦工廠為了報答工程師們的鼎力相助，同時在產(chǎn)品進入市場中需要方方面面打通環(huán)節(jié)，所以他們用最樸素的方式，送農(nóng)副產(chǎn)品到每家每戶，于是我當時所處的民航售票處出租車站就是他們一直來預約用車的主要站點，一清早卡車從鄉(xiāng)下吧農(nóng)副產(chǎn)品送到太平花園，然后靠出租車轉運至各家各戶。

 你只要了解上海的小旅社的歷史，就可以明白前面講到曾經(jīng)做過妓院的這段歷史并不夸張。

 到了新時期，民宿又成為了一股風，有些居民對自己居住的環(huán)境不太滿意，就會和做這一行的企業(yè)簽一個長期的合約，于是接盤的就會將其改造成適合出租的形式，然后可以租給合適的人群，當然這種方式也蘊藏了巨大的風險，像口罩時期的這種拖了數(shù)年的政策風險恐怕都沒有在企業(yè)之前的風險評估中預計到。

 陜西北路上另一側何東公館的改造也接近尾聲，日前正在辦收費的攝影展，開始有并不在意森山大道的朋友開始入內參觀，顯然鄔達克設計的老房子一直是喜歡老建筑的朋友關注的焦點，同時它打開的一個街角也是迎合城市為市民的理念，只不過市中心的上海人越來越少了。

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 The ongoing revitalization of Shanxi North Road has garnered attention as it is renowned as the "Historical and Cultural Famous Street of China." In recent years, it has remained a popular thoroughfare for pedestrians in Shanghai. I have also included details about this section in my book "Strolling Along Old Shoudain Dou Roads." This particular road is one that I frequent intermittently, and during my recent walks, I have noticed subtle changes in the streetscape. Coinciding with these transformations, there has been a surge in the opening of various businesses along Taiping Mansion. Here, I share some observations I have made during my strolls.

Regarding Taiping Mansion along the street, it was intriguing to note that the "Xishe" had recently acquired a property before the mask-wearing period, intending to undergo renovations. However, the relentless upheaval caused by the "Connected Flower Blue Plague" had disrupted their plans. Therefore, when I saw that some houses related to Taiping Mansion were open for public viewing, I initially assumed they had completed their renovations. Upon arriving at the scene, I discovered that it was actually an event hosted by the Shanghai Carpet Factory, with several storefronts separating it from the house I was familiar with. Despite the jubilant scenes often portrayed in the nightly news in recent years, the reality for those actively engaged in running businesses often conceals a tale of unspoken woes.

Numerous articles have delved into the origins of Taiping Garden. It is commonly acknowledged that the residential complex was constructed through investments made by Wu Tingfang and his son Wu Chaoshu. Wu Tingfang's own former residence is located on the adjacent side of Beijing West Road, at the junction of Jiangning Road. The specifics of this historical narrative will be explored in the subsequent section. The construction of the Western-style four-story buildings in 1928 (some sources mention a period between 1910 and 1912) resulted in a total of six buildings, along with several hotels catering exclusively to expatriates. Upon Wu Chaoshu's succession, an additional nine buildings of similar style were erected within the complex, along with three more buildings along the roadside. Initially, the residents were predominantly expatriates; however, with the outbreak of the war, the expatriate population reduced, and Chinese residents began to outnumber them.

As the Pacific War erupted in 1941 and Japanese forces invaded the concession areas, houses of owners who had already departed for Hong Kong were occupied by the Japanese Army and repurposed as brothels. Upon the return of the homeowners in 1948, they opted to sell the grassy areas within the lane, leading to the construction of twenty-five three-story buildings by the new owners on these plots, subsequently sold off individually, thus shaping the current layout of the area.

Furthermore, many articles have mentioned that Taiping Garden was once a residential area where Jewish residents congregated. Directly south of the garden stands a building affectionately referred to as the "Jewish Residential Building," with an intriguing history shrouded in mystery. Some sources have claimed that during the initial stages of Taiping Garden, its residents were exclusively Jewish. These occupants predominantly belonged to the Jewish "middle class," with professions ranging from doctors and engineers to executives in foreign firms. Consequently, even today, the old Shanghai locals habitually refer to Taiping Garden as the "Jewish alleyway," reflecting its historical connection to the thriving Jewish communities. The market positioning of Taiping Mansion was originally targeted towards this affluent Jewish population.

Therefore, it is imperative to analyze the composition of the Jewish community in Shanghai, as emphasized during my explorations in the Jewish enclave of Hongkou District. The Jewish immigrants coming to Shanghai can be broadly categorized into three groups. The first wave comprised individuals such as Sassoon, Hardoon, and Kadoorie, who ventured to Shanghai to seek fortunes in the opium trade under the auspices of the East India Company. They primarily operated within the boundaries of the former Public Concession area. The second group consisted of Russian Jewish refugees expelled following the Soviet seizure of power, commonly known as the "White Russians" among the locals. These individuals predominantly resided within the former French Concession area. The third group of Jewish refugees fled the Nazi persecution during World War II, forced to abandon their nationalities and rendered stateless. Enclosed within a perimeter of two square kilometers in Hongkou by the Japanese authorities.

With the early success of the initial Jewish settlers in Shanghai, they were able to support their compatriots seeking refuge during World War II. For instance, landmark buildings like the Riverside Mansion and the Kadoorie Marble Building played crucial roles in providing shelter for these displaced individuals. Evidently, the relatively affluent Jewish residents of Taiping Garden also extended a welcoming hand to their fellow brethren in distress.

Now, to gain insights into the authentic residential dynamics of Taiping Garden, one can reference the literary work "The Jews of Taiping Garden" by the renowned Shanghai-based writer Cheng Naishan, who beautifully encapsulates the essence of this historical enclave.

In the literary work "The Jews of Taiping Garden" by Cheng Naishan, a fascinating depiction unfolds, shedding light on the profound historical ties between the people of Shanghai and the Jewish community. From the grandeur of Shanghai's architectural, cultural, and educational heritage to the intricacies of daily life for the common folk, the interconnectedness between the two groups is palpable.

Of particular interest is the author's recollection of being born in a hospital run by a German-Jewish doctor in Shanghai. This hospital, a unique fusion of Eastern and Western architectural styles, boasted a typical Shanghai design with two open rooms and a small garden in front, occupying a larger area than the Rui Zhi Village on Jiaozhou Road. It is said that this hospital was a pioneer in Shanghai, introducing foreign techniques for painless childbirth. Overseen by a Jewish couple and staffed by several Shanghai nurses, the hospital resembled a typical Shanghai family-run shop. According to the author's mother, the facilities within the hospital were top-notch, comparable to those in American hospitals (such as the present-day Huadong Hospital), albeit on a smaller scale.

The efficiency and meticulousness of the German-Jewish staff were evident in every aspect of patient care, from immediate flower deliveries post-childbirth to comprehensive newborn care. The Jewish people, known for their adaptability and assimilation of various cultural influences from around the world, mirrored the cosmopolitan nature of the Shanghai locals, who embraced the essence of global diversity in their own unique way.

Shanghai's Jewish community can be classified into two main groups: those who arrived in Shanghai before World War II, typically wealthy and professionally accomplished individuals such as the Sassoon and Kadoorie families, renowned designer Udaak, and the founder of St. John's University. Similarly, in 1949, a large influx of immigrants migrated from Shanghai to Hong Kong. During World War II, as the Nazis intensified their persecution of the Jewish population, a different wave of Jewish refugees sought sanctuary in Shanghai. However, the changing tides of fate meant that even those with talent and skills could find themselves unrecognized and overlooked.

In the mid-1930s, Taiping Garden harbored many such destitute Jewish individuals, residing in cramped rooms resembling small pavilions or car garages. Their sole set of previously dignified Western suits had worn down to a glossy sheen, epitomizing the Shanghai term "foreign beggars."

Adjacent to Seymour Road (now Shaanxi North Road) in Taiping Garden, the streets were lined with a variety of old stalls selling everything from bicycles to second-hand clothes and pots. Shanghai locals disparagingly referred to those managing these stalls as "old goods ghosts," showcasing a certain snobbery that was a flaw of the city—being judgmental based on social status.

Amidst the hardships, many impoverished Jewish individuals in Taiping Garden found themselves mingling with the lower strata of Shanghai society. An anecdote recalls an Italian-Jewish youth, barely eighteen or nineteen years old, dragging a wheeled wooden box to the stalls on Wuding Road to sell his homemade "fading spirit." Perhaps he was once a university student, highlighting the poignant struggles faced by these individuals.

In 1941, following the Japanese occupation of the concessions, all British and American nationals were interned in camps. Consequently, the only Jewish individuals visible in Shanghai were of German and Russian descent. The former were spared internment due to Germany's non-belligerent status with Japan, as German-Jewish individuals were considered German nationals. Meanwhile, Russian-Jewish individuals were stateless, which the Japanese authorities did not acknowledge. While these individuals escaped the fate of internment, they were still victims of abandonment and asset deprivation by their own countries, rendering them destitute and marginalized. The encounter between these two groups of unrecognized Jewish individuals, who were shunned by their own nations, highlighted a lack of empathy and understanding, a stark departure from the notion of shared humanity in times of adversity.

Upon hearing the news of Hitler's suicide in 1945, a group of White Russian Jews joyously rushed to a photography studio near the current Shanghai Tower, operated by a German-Jewish individual, and smashed the window displaying Hitler's photographs, replacing them with images of Stalin. Another group of German-Jewish individuals, upon hearing about this incident, arrived and threw Stalin's photos onto the street. The situation escalated into chaos. Perhaps, the love for one's homeland is an unwavering and persistent sentiment, even in the face of family feuds, national hardships, insults, and injuries. The concept of a nation may be transient, but one's homeland is eternal, coexisting with the sun and moon, passed down through generations.

It is no wonder that in the film "Life is Beautiful," the scene where Jewish individuals, expelled by their own country, tearfully stand on the deck of a ship as it slowly departs from their homeland, is so poignant.

Looking back at how these Jewish individuals, stranded in a foreign land, made a living in the "Oriental Paris" of the East.

In the "Old Shanghai Memories" section of "Shanghai Bund," an author named Zhang Hongxin vividly recounts an anecdote about Jewish individuals selling soap:

It was in the year before the fascist surrender in 1944 when a rumor spread among Shanghai housewives: Jewish soap washes clothes white, akin to today's whitening soap, perhaps? At that time, nearly every household in the Shikumen alleys wanted to buy a few pieces to try. Shanghai was experiencing severe inflation, and households, with a little money left at the end of the month, would stock up on oil, salt, and a couple of bars of soap to avoid price hikes the following month. Even the few bars of soap stored at home had dried out, becoming old and shrunken, unlike the Jewish soap, which, being newly produced, had a rich color and a sturdy form.

This Jewish soap was sold at the old market on Wuding Road. Turning into Wuding Road, one could see a foreigner's head towering above the crowd. He stood on a wooden crate, clapping two bars of soap together, making a loud sound, and loudly calling out in Shanghai dialect, "Cheap! White soap, come get it cheap!" It is said that he was originally a chemical engineer, and the soap was his own production. This Jewish individual's English was passable, likely of German or Italian descent.

He told the author, who was still a young student at the time, that the people of Shanghai were kind and loyal. The stall space was tight, with neighboring stall owners squeezing to allow him to place a wooden crate to conduct business. This small wooden crate was utilized to its fullest by the Jewish individual. He would stand on it to sell his wares, and when tired, he would sit on top for a brief rest. The crate also doubled as a storage cabinet, equipped with wheels at each corner for easy mobility. A very practical and straightforward setup.

Did he also reside in Taiping Garden?

A 92-year-old man named Huang shared that during that time, there were many Jewish individuals in Taiping Garden engaging in such businesses. Two or three individuals would share a small room, selling shoe dye, fading solution, Jewish soap, red ink, blue ink—all concocted in their own bathrooms. One can assume they were intellectuals! "At that time, Jewish individuals were living a tough life, buying a piece of Russian bread to nibble on with some barley tea as coffee. Unable to afford cream, they would purchase white tofu as a substitute and spread it on bread!" Huang said. On rare festive occasions, they would beat a few eggs, mix some flour and sugar, and fry pancakes in oil, which was considered a delicacy for the holidays!

The Rose Apartment, located at X in Taiping Garden, was established in 1930 as the type of apartment that provided meals, similar to those previously mentioned. Like other apartments within Taiping Garden, it stood alone, with a total of four floors, meticulously arranged and spotlessly clean. The ground floor housed the kitchen and the owner's office, while the upper floors were entirely dedicated to guest rooms. Unlike other apartments, the Rose Apartment did not divide its spaces into pigeonholes but rather maintained the original layout of a garden villa. As a result, its clientele was of a higher caliber, predominantly composed of European and American individuals, who tended to stay for longer periods, exhibiting less mobility. Many were couples, with both partners heading off to work during the day. The men often held minor positions in foreign companies, while the women typically worked as clerks or shop assistants. At that time, there was a shop named "Jin Fa" on Jing'an Temple Road (now Nanjing West Road) that specialized in selling women's underwear and silk stockings, run by an Italian-Jewish couple who had once resided in such high-class apartment hotels within Taiping Garden.

These apartments also housed a number of mixed couples, where the husband was a foreigner and the wife was a Shanghai native—mostly hailing from Guangdong province. Shanghai wives married to foreigners often differed from their Western counterparts. Many Shanghai wives would spend their days playing mahjong, cooking small dishes, and assuming the role of a traditional wife, although more often than not, they were not the legitimate wives.

In old Shanghai, the trend of Shanghai women marrying foreigners, especially the mediocre foreigners within Taiping Garden, was not widely accepted by society. Even the mixed-race children born from these unions were often ridiculed as "hybrids" behind closed doors. In this regard, Shanghai residents were not as progressive as those from southern China. Conversely, when old Shanghai men returned from studying abroad with foreign wives, there was some resistance, albeit not as vehement as the criticism faced by Shanghai women marrying foreigners. For instance, the renowned Shanghai doctor Gao Jingniang, who married a German woman, or the scion of the Yao family, who owned the Dragon Pool Cement Factory, and his German wife, or the endocrinologist Kuang Ankun and his French wife... Even if an ordinary person married a White Russian wife, it would not attract as much gossip as a Shanghai woman marrying a foreigner.

The bold journalist Chen Xiangmei, a true Shanghai native, married Chen Nade, a foreigner. This act was subject to some scrutiny within the mainstream Shanghai society at the time. Ultimately, Chen Xiangmei, despite her boldness, was not a native Shanghainese but rather hailed from Guangdong.

At that time, Shanghai's elite women were reluctant to marry foreigners because most of the Westerners who came to Shanghai to seek their fortunes were not considered outstanding individuals in their home countries or were not well-received in mainstream society. They arrived in semi-colonial Shanghai, exuding an air of superiority due to the modernization of Western civilization, considering themselves as princes on white horses, eager to conquer the Eastern beauties of Shanghai.

The white-collar women and female university students of mainstream Shanghai society had long seen through the facade of these rootless, aimless foreigners strutting around in Western suits. True heirs of foreign nobility generally did not marry women from other countries, as the class distinctions in British society at the time were quite pronounced. British gentlemen who ventured to the Far East to marry Asian women were often viewed as outcasts upon their return to the upper echelons of British society.

Since the 1930s, when the US Fourth Fleet Marines stationed Xikang Road XinZha Road, special group of Cantonese people emerged in this area—procuresses specializing in catering to foreign sailors, commonly known assalty sisters."

term "salty sisters" originated from the English term "Handsome Mad," originally referring to generous and bold girls. Over time, "salty sisters" became synonymous with Cantonese women in the entertainment industry.

These "salty sisters" flocked to areas like XinZha Road in Shanxi North Road and XinZha Road, as well as Changde Road and XinZha Road, renting new-style lane houses and garden homes to conduct their business. Their presence significantly impacted the real estate in these areas, tarnishing the reputation of some alleyways such as Xinxin Villa and Taiping Garden, leading to a decline in property value. Consequently, many residents moved out, making room for the influx of new operators, often proprietors of clock hotels. They repurposed residential buildings into hotel-like establishments for profit, creating a well-known red-light district in the vicinity.

As my generation recalls the 1980s era of reform and opening up, many small hotels in this alleyway began to accommodate officials from rural factories in the outskirts of Shanghai. These officials came to Shanghai factories to recruit technical personnel to guide production (referred to as "Sunday engineers," which sparked widespread discussions in the early days of reform and opening up). By year-end, in appreciation of the engineers' significant assistance and the need to streamline various processes for product entry into the market, the rural factories adopted a simple approach—they distributed agricultural products to every household. Consequently, the Civil Aviation ticket office and taxi stand where I was located at the time became a primary reservation point for their transportation needs. Early in the morning, trucks from the countryside delivered agricultural products to Taiping Garden, which were then distributed to households via taxis.

Understanding the history of small inns in Shanghai sheds light on the not-so-exaggerated history of former brothels mentioned earlier. In the new era, homestays have become a trend. Some residents dissatisfied with their living environment may sign long-term contracts with businesses in this sector. The new operators then transform these spaces into rental-friendly formats, catering to suitable clientele. However, this approach carries significant risks, as unforeseen policy changes, like those experienced during the mask-wearing period, were likely not anticipated in the risk assessments conducted by these businesses.

On the other side of Shanxi North Road, the renovation of He Dong Mansion is nearing completion. Recently, a photography exhibition with an entrance fee has attracted visitors, including those who were previously indifferent to Senyama Avenue. Clearly, the attention of enthusiasts of old architecture has been drawn to the historical buildings designed by Wu Dak, while the open corner it presents aligns with the city's philosophy of serving its citizens. Nevertheless, the number of locals in Shanghai's city center is dwindling.